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Siamese fight
against the Haws
On the 22nd
of February we reached the field of battle. The oracles were
consulted, and it was decided that ten o'clock in the morning was
the right time to fire the first gun to commence the attack on the
Haw. We reached Phya Pichai's stockade about eleven
o'clock; they were then hard at work, the cannonading was going
on vigorously at the Haw stockade at the other end of the
plain, distant about two miles. Rossmussan and I moved on
to within three-quarters of a mile of the stockade, so that we could
get a better view of what was going on. The stockade was about four
hundred yards long and two hundred broad, and was surrounded by
growing bamboos which made it difficult to see into the stockade.
There were seven towers about forty feet high, and judging from
the constantpuffs of smoke that were issuing, the greatest execution
appeared to be going on from them. North, west, and east of the
stockade were open rice-fields, to the south was jungle. The Siamese
had surrounded the stockade, the north and east were occupied by
the Luang Phrabang contingent, and men from Pichai
and Sokathai; the west and south by the contingent from Nawng
Kai. The north and west sides were well in view, and it would
appear that they were advancing in columns of about fifty men, carrying
several white-elephant flags, and each company provided with an
Armstrong six-pounder mountain howwitzer. They seemed to
be moving to take up their positions behind a temporary palisade
that had been constructed by others who had come before, and had
advanced bearing shields of double rows of bamboos. These shield
were very heavy, and the feet, the parts that it was impossible
to protect.
The cannonading
went on briskly from each side, but apparently it was only noisy
display from the stockade, as there was no evidence anywhere that
any particularly large shots were being fired. But with the small
arms considerable execution was being done. The Siamese planted
themselves within a hundred yards of the stockade and proceeded
to make a palisade. Many men were coming from the stockade in groups
of twos and trees, some poor fellows, who were wounded, were riding
on ponies or being carried. They seemed indifferent to their wounds,
and all appeared in excellent spirits.
About two in
the afternoon, each side ceased firing, and there was a lull in
the operations. About three the firing was resumed more vigorously,
and a short time after the news came that Phya Rat was wounded.
He had been struck by a shot weighing about two pounds, it had glanced
off one of the posts of a Chinese joss-house, near which
he was standing, and struck him in the leg.
Evening came
on, and the stockade had not yetbeen taken, but the firing was kept
up all night, and shouts of defiance from each side could be heard
from a great distance. It was known the Haw were inveterate
opium-smokers, and that if the firing was kept up they would be
kept from sleeping and fagged out. The Siamese loss for the
day was serious, about fifteen men belonging to Phya Pichai's
stockade were killed and twenty wounded, while Phya Rat's
loss consisted of not less than fifty killed and wounded.
The Siamese
settled down to a regular siege; some charges were made on the Haw
stockade, but as one section did not act in concert with the other,
they were repulsed with heavy loss. The stockade was daily filling
with wounded. Collins and Rossmussan filled the post
of doctors, attending and dressing the wounds of about forty men
daily. Some of the wounds took hours to dress. Rossmussan
had admirable nerve for surginal operations; the way he extracted
some of the bullets might have made a doctor stare, but it eventually
gave the men relief.
One day when
all was quiet Rossmussan and I went within four hundred yards
of the Haw stockade and observed that the roofs of the towers
were made of grass. Rossmussan possessing some knowledge
of artillery, immediately suggested to Phya Pichai, who had
come to warn us to leave, to use heated shot and thus set the towers
on fire. The idea was adopted, but the details were to be carried
out by the Siamese themselves. Bamboo scaffoldings were erected
opposite each tower, about forty feet in height, that being the
height of the towers. The howitzers were hauled up to these platforms,
the powder was rammed home with grass for wadding, and then a cylinder
of wood was introduced, the hot shot poured in and immediately fired
off. So far so well, the signal was given. Phya Pichai's
gun at the north-east corner responded,and the tower was in flames
in a moment. What were the other guns doing? I was told that one
of the hot shot fell fizzing into the midst of a crowd of Siamese
who were quietly smoking at the foot of one of the scaffolds. The
Haw saw the danger, and in an incredibly short time they
had whipped the roofs off the other six towers. The north-east tower
was burnt to the ground and another opportunity lost.
Another plan
was suggested. The men were to move up in parallel columns and throw
ignited firewood before them; in this way the palisade of the stockade
would be reached and all would be set ablaze. Some days were spent
in collecting a great stack of fire-wood, but as soon as it was
all heaped up in front of the first parrallel, the Haw set
it on fire, and the Siamese had to fall back under a heavy
shower of bullets, which added many to the list of dead and wounded.
The Haw
had a trick of making sorties at night, each man carrying in his
hand a small canvas bag holding about two ounces of powder. These
they would ignite and throw among the Siamese. The flash
enabled them to see their victims, whom they would spear, and then
creep back to the stockade. The others would blaze away in the direction
of the flashes, and in this way they often killed and wounded one
another. A Haw was captured one night, he was already mortally
wounded and only lived one day.
Tigers were
also giving trouble at this time. When there was most noise they
made their appearance, and once they carried off two men. Add to
all this that at night when I, thoughwell clothed and dry, shivered
with cold, these poor people lay on the wet ground without any covering;
their daily rations too were only a few ounces of rice, besides
whatever they could pick up in the forest, yet there was never a
murmur heard or word of complaint. During the night they would straggle
into the stockade in twos and trees looking for something to eat.
Again you might hear them calling out to one another to return to
the Haw, who were the authors of all their troubles, showing
as much indifference as though they were deer-stalking.
The General,
Phya Rat, was not much better off.. Had he not been wounded
it is possible he would have taken the stockade with a rush, for
he was plucky enough, and I think the men would have followed him,
but he was totally incapacitated. The days were sometimes hot, and
there was a plague of flies; wounded as he was, he had no protection
from the heat or from the flies, so I gave him my tent, as I could
well do without it. I tried to persuade him to raise the siege and
fall back on Chieng Kwang, where he could make fresh arrangements
for supplies, telling him that the Haw would certainly run
away in his absence, and all he had to do was to take necessary
precautions against their return. The proposal shocked him; he thought
the chance of capturing the Haw should not be lost. I told him as
things were there was no possibility of capturing them. They could
hold out for a year, as they were well stocked with provisions,
whereas his unhappy followers had nothing to eat. He was very obstinate,
and expressed his determination to hang on. There was great danger
of a body of Haw coming from Sobp Ett, in which case
his men would have certainly been dispersed with unfortunate results
to themselves. I proposed that he should allow me to go to M.
Lai by way of Lawn and Sobp Ett, and allow Phya
Pichai to accompany me, as he was the Commissioner of Luang
Phrabang, and those places were under his jurisdiction. This
was agreed to, and after being twenty days at Tung Chieng Kumm,
we moved off, carrying with us all the wounded of Phya Pichai's
stockade. When we arrived at Ban Le, we halted for a few
days to see what could be done for the wounded, and then arranged
to send them on to Luang Phrabang. Rossmussan fell
ill, so he accompanied the sick and wounded to Luang Phrabang.
We kept about fifteen marines with us as an escort.
We halted some
days at a large Meo settlement. There was a close connection
between these fellows and the Haw of Tung Chieng Kumm. Taking
advantage of the outlawry proclaimed against the Kamuks,
they worked upon their fears to induce them to join them, and help
them in clearing the forest for their cultivation. Now the king
had sent a proclamation from Bangkok pardoning all Kamuks
who had taken part in a previous rebellion, and in consequence of
this upwards of two hundred head-men had come in to give in their
submission to the Commissioner and the Chao . The Chao
reinnstated them and gave to each a piece of white calico as a symbol
of pardon. The next year a number of these unfortunate men were
massacred in cold blood; they silently held up the white calico,
the symbol of pardon, but that availed nothing, on account of the
hatred of their assailants to the donor, the blows only rained down
more fast and furious.
The late Hobahat
of Luang Phrabang, who unfortunately was killed when the Haw
made a raid upon the place, was, as well as his father, the former
Hobahat, very unpopular in Luang Phrabang. They seemed
to have made it their special object to break down the old associations
with the tribes of Kamuks, in this way directly opposing
the Chief, and certainly doing no good to any cause, whatever
may have been their opinions. They harassed the men, and one day
at Ni Ngawi, when the Kamuks were building a house,
a bamboo accidentally struck one of the relations of the Hobahat,
who had placed himself there for the Hobahat, who had placed
himself there for the purpose of provoking a quarrel. The Kamuk
who caused the accident was executed, and the others immediately
rose in rebellion. The Hobahat made his escape on a raft.
His brother perpetrated the massacre referred to above; he imagined
ha was revenging the fact of his brother having to fly for his life,
and took a special delight in recounting the horrible details of
how the unhappy creatures on their knees, helplessly pleading for
their lives, were ordered to stretch out their necks that their
heads might be chopped off. The Haw appeared about the same
time, and the misery of the people spread far and near, It is said
five thousand Kamuks in one band settled in Chieng Mai,
and by them the teak forests were worked. Upwards of twenty thousand
settled in Nan; but more than half the population were killed
or died from starvation.
On arriving
at M. Sawn, we found there five hundred militia, who had
been settled there about six months, and who had consumed all the
supplies, without making the slightest effort to get more. M.
Sawn is important as having been more than once the scene of
conflicts between the different bands of Haw robbers, who
finding no opposition fell out among themselves, as is always the
case. Here the black Flags of Chao Lai defeated those of
Tung Chieng Kumm. There were two routes to M. Lai,
and we adopted that by Sobp Ett, though it was longer, as
we thought it better to find out the truth about the Haw,
who it was said had established themselves there. At the same time
letters were sent to Chao Lai by Phya Pichai, and the eldest
son of the Chief of Luang Phrabang, to let him know that
we would pay him a visit.
Everything
seemed in confusion, but of couse I could not interfere with the
General's plans. However, I asked for twenty day's supplies
of rice, and I saw a number of men pass before me carrying the right
quantity. We started from M. Sawn for M. Kao, and
the Nam Ett, which looked a stream of some proportions, invited
examination, so Collins and I determined to go down on rafts.
The people told us it would be impossible, but we determined to
see for ourselves. The Chao Ratch Wong , the eldest son of
the Chief, was amused with the notion and accompanied us,
and it was well that he did so. We started all right, but we had
not gone many miles before we found the river choked with rocks
and we had to lift the rafts over them; as we proceeded the rocks
were more difficult to pass over, still we struggled on, and at
last came to a narrow gorge with a fall of thirty feet. To pass
this was certainly impossible to rejoin the camp; the Chao
entered into the fun with much spirit. By nightfall, foot-sore and
weary, we got to a village, and the Chao soon had us comfortably
lodged with a good fire.
The next day
we caught up the camp and moved on to M. Kao. Here one of
the routes to M. Lai branced off, but most of the men had
branced off too, I suspected. Phya Pichai connived at their
running away. At M. Kao we made new rafts and went down the
river to Sobp Pon; we had made one march from this when it
was reported there was not a grain of rice in the camp. This was
terrible, but I felt convinced it was a manoeuvre of Phya Pichai
to prevent our going to Sobp Ett. The disagreeable fact remained,
there was not a grain of rice, and we distributed all we had among
the men. We were half-way between Sobp Ett and M. Sawn,
and there was nothing for it but to return, and on the second day
we met men with supplies, making it very evident that it was not
the result of accident that our supplies had run short.
I had serious
talk with Phya Pichai . I asked him if we were to make an
effort to reach M. Lai or not; if he thought not, we could
stop at once; but if he thought it advisable to proceed, then there
must be no more tomfoolery, and we must go straight on. To all of
which he agreed. The season was past advancing, and the rainy season
had already begun, making the marches very heavy, along paths, swarming
with leeches, that had not been used for years. On account of our
rice running short we had to change the whole programme, and return
to M. Ngawi on the Nam to ascend it to Sobp At.
Collins went up the river as far as the boundary of Luang
Phrabang at M. Ahin, and it was arranged that we must
meet at Luang Phrabang not later than the 1st of June
. Meanwhile Phya Pichai, the Chao, and I went
over a very rough path, and reached Teng pretty well played
out. With the exception of Phya Pichai and myself every one
of the party had fever.
M. Teng
is a magnificent plain of upwards of sixty square miles, at the
head of the Nam Nua, a tributary of the Nam U. It
has played an important part for ages, and was a refuge for rebels
against the kings of Annam. About the middle of the plain
on the river is an old fortification, Chieng Leh, overgrown
with jungle. It was here that when Haw came first under Lawli
that Luang Phrabang sent some Lus, who killed Lawli
and drove off the Haw. The Haw have built a stockade
on a small eminence to the north-east. The Chao and all the
camp were sick, their condition not being improved by the storm
at night, which was terrific. They therefore moved off to a village
called Nawng Luang, while Phya Pichai accompanied
me to the Haw stockade. At the stockade, which was merely
a bamboo palisade with platforms at the corners about twelve feet
high, Pu Ye Pao, the confidential man of Chao Lai,
met us. He and the Black Flags were in a good humour, and
I invited them to meet us at the camp of Nawng Luang. The
rains were very heavy, and as all the men were ill there was nothing
for it but to see about returning. So we had rafts made to go down
the Nam Nua. By waiting a few days we gave the sick the chance
of recovery, and also let Chao Lai know that this year we
could not visit M. Lai. He sent down two of his favourite
sons, Kumm Kui and Kumm La, with presents of excellent
ponies for the Chao, the Commissioner, and myself.
I handed mine over to the Chao.
The Chao
of Lai's letter was very satisfactory; he said he was always
loyal to Siam, and that he prevented Annam from encroaching
on Sipsawng Chua Tai, who ever since the Haw came
was always making efforts in that direction. An active agent for
Annam was a man calling himself Kai Tong, whom Chao
Lai had treated as a son, but who treacherously went to Annam
and got assistance from Teduc. He then attacked Chao Lai
, who called in the assistance of the Black Flags. Whatever
happened he would never consent to Kaitong being allowed
anywhere near Sipsawng Chu Tai. He was an old man, or he
would have come himself; as it was, he sent his favourite sons,
Kumm Kui and Kumm La, his other sons remaining with
him in case of danger, as there had recently been a great on the
Nam Tao (Red River) with the French and Chinese.
Finally, he said that if ever he should go to Lai he would
be very glad to welcome us. The sons were pleasant young men, and
I was glad to meet them. On the 24th of May, the Queen's
birthday, there was a general gathering of the clans, and the Chao
and Phya Pichai were busy settling about future work.
I had to be
thinking of starting so that I might reach Luang Phrabang
not later than the 1st of June , the date agreed upon with
Mr. Collins. I reached it in time. On the 26th I took
leave of my new-found friends, wishing them au revoir, but I did
not again see them, though I was at Teng, for then they were
in chains, and I felt ashamed to show myself. There is a very peculiar
custom in Indo-China which, in the case of Europeans,
invariably occasions trouble. A distinction is made between territotial
jurisdiction and personal jurisdiction; thus if a man of Nawng
Kai settled in Luang Phrabang, he paid tax to the Governor
of Nawng Kai because he was a Nawng Kai man, and to the
Luang Phrabang Chief he paid territorial tax, the amount
of which was usually double that of the other. If he did not leave
his territory he paid to one official the territorial tax, and to
another official a poll-tax; this latter he was bound to pay, no
matter where he wandered to. The Nawng Kai people settled
in Luang Phrabang pay two rupees a year to the Governor
of Nawng Kai . Their children become Luang Phrabang people.
A still worse
institution was that of some individual holding jurisdiction over
territory that belonged to different kingdoms. Thus the Chao
of Lai was the Governor of territory portions of which
were under China, Siam and Annam (called Sue
Sam Fai, or tributary in tree directions). This gave rise to great
complications. Lai was established in the fifties, when the
Chief of Luang Phrabang, Chao Luang Serrm, sent one thousand
men to help in the settlement.
The present
old Chief of Luang Phrabang invested the Chao of Lai
(since dead) with powers for the administration of that portion
of Sipsawng Chu Tai which lies on the right bank of the Nam
Te ("Black River"), anf the Chao of Lai was
always in trouble through resisting any Annamite attempts
at encroachment. Since the advent of the Haw, up to that
time all had been peaceful and quiet, and Luang Phrabang
collected the revenues even from the Annamite settlers, for,
as the old Chief told me, had they not paid the tribute they
would not have been allowed to settle. When Wieng Chan rebelled,
there was a period of trouble for these countries, for then the
Siamese drove out the Annamites, again following the
old traditions for meeting difficulties of this nature by expelling
the population.
Kaitong,
whom Chao Lai had such an objection to, was a curious character
in his way. His name was Wang Wang Ling, and he was born
in Kwang Tung in 1840. His father, whose name was Sing
Wang, came from Canton. Wang Wang traded on the
Nam Te, and Chao Lai took him into his confidence.
Presently he went down to Annam, and had an audience of King
Teduc , who gave him papers making him Governor of Teng.
But when he attempted to return Chao Lai opposed his coming.
He spent some years in trying to get into the country of which he
was appointed Governor, and sought assistance from Teng
Hung (probably Hanoi). Eventually he reached Teng, but
on the night of arrival he was surrounded by Chao Lai's soldiers,
and narrowly escaped with his life. He then repaired to Ponsai,
where he met a Lao official, and after consulting the bones
of a fowl, which he killed for the purpose, discovered that the
spirits directed him to the Siamese Commissioner . He was
known to the old Chief, who suggested that his head should
be cut off, as it was he who had brought the Haw into the
Luang Phrabang districts, and caused so much misery.
Siam
was determined once for all to do away with the Haw, whose ramifications
extended in all sorts of places. With this intention an expedition
was organized under Phya Surisak Munntri, and sent to operate
in the country under the jurisdition of Luang Phrabang, and
another under Prince Phrachak was sent to Nawng Kai.
Never in the history of Siam were such opportunities given
for accomplishing great things for the benefit of the country, and
never was the exercise of tact and ability called into requisition
as on this occasion.
Other parts
of the journey:
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